Although the information regarding the whereabouts of Oromo Liberation Army [OLA] and its operations are scanty to non-existent, its non-conventional operations both as small army and among the pastoralists and farmers of Southern Oromia is popular. Such small forces have seized towns such as Moyale several times. The porous border between Kenya and Ethiopia, lack of roads, the settlement pattern of the rural Oromo community and the uninhabited large swath of land in these corner of the country have made it very hard for the government to contain guerrilla attacks by OLF-OLA.
Over the last several years, TPLF has deviced a strategy to keep its presence at minimum or the most to take mediator or peace keeper role. Its strategy, in collaboration with the Kenyan government, is to destabilize the entire region and demonize the Borana Oromos, and put them in clash with all the neighbouring communities. By doing so, TPLF believes Borana Oromos will divert their attention to fighting their neighbours rather than align with OLF to fight the Ethiopian government.
Due to historical facts and their resentment against the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments, Borana Oromos in Oromia and Kenya, although not openly, endorse and support the OLF insurgents. They do this for two major reasons. One, Borana Oromos are the majority in two districts in Kenya but have been pushed out of offices positions by the alliance of Burji, Rendile and Gabra. Second, in Ethiopia, the Borana Oromos are very sympathetic to the general question of the Oromos under OLF for rights of self-determination, right to use resource and the right to develop thier culture and language. This has made them the target for continuos hunt.
So Borana Oromos are fighting with all communities around them. In the east, they clash with the Gari Oromo-Somali community. In the North, they clash with Guji Oromos. In the south, they fight with Gabra, Rendile and Burji communities. These conflicts ars dynamic where sometimes other communities may fight each other but Borana Oromos rarely make any alliance with other communities. It also comes with cross-border element where one community crosses the border to rescue its community living beyond the border.
The current Negele Borana vis-a-vis Negele name saga is also part of the grand evil plan of TPLF to offer homework for the Oromo nation as a whole by dividing its communities and having them clash with one another. This issue has been around since the creation of the Guji Zone. There was an incident where the board at the Negele Borana hospital entrance was whitened and replaced with just Negele. This incident sparked some conflict and it was decided by Oromia regional government to leave the town with its current name of Negele Borana, although there was recommendation by some officials that name should be changed to Negele. Guji Oromos are also receiving advice from some residents of other nations and nationalities, particularly the Amharas. According to them, Negele Borana has become a town of nations and nationalities and it belongs to everyone. They think the name Borana gives the ownership of the town to the Borana Oromos only. It has to go and replaced with just Negele that is more inclusive. What they don't understand is, as Oromos, they have equal right just like the Borana Oromos, and they are now part of the greater problem in the empire-Oromo. The Oromo problem is centralized in the dynamics of Amhara-Oromo identity. The real question should have been Oromos, Guji and Borana alike to ask for greater share of the natural resource and priority in services or resources. And, the name change within the Oromo nation does not make sense but only hurts our national struggle to get rid of over 100 year Abyssinian subjugation.
What is more disappointing is while Negelle Borana is occupied with silly issues of name, not far away in Shakkiso, Guji, Borana and other Oromo students are fighting both the evil Wayane military junta and some Naftenya elements. It is very sad to see such internal affairs explode to a conflict. Above all, it shows how weak the Oromia regional government is and its negligible influence compared to its master-state, Tigray and TPLF.
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